No. 439  



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Over the last years, we have discussed intensively and extensively the natural-social phenomena of racism, nazism, globofascism, mental holocaust and human geno
cide, with their corresponding physical levels, intellectual degrees and transcendental mensions of equal, unequal, combined, transhistoric relations; we studied, in nuce, their labour  quintessence: economic exploitation, political domination, social discrimination, military annihilation and global alienation.
This is the transhistoric context, but I will not repeat it here.
It is now time to realize these views, to change,
to excel this world of terror, of terrorism.

Within this context, let me comment on the current world, transhistoric situation of Venezuela.

All over the globe there is a clamour, a glamour for positive attitudes, optimism and hope, and when, eventually, by surprise, where least expected,  they concretely appear, simply because the new, the original, the authentic do not fit in our myopic, Euro-Americentric, master-slave mentality, in our "true socialist", "Our Party" or "Marxist-Leninist" split personalities, in our orthodox doctrines, in our "Christian", "Marxist" or "Trotskyist" century-old monolithic schemes, we either do not notice them, or we condemn them as "populism", "reactionary petty-bourgeois politics", "militarism", "dictatorship", "Castro-communism", "terrorism", etc.  

Well, for those "Marxists" or "Anti-Marxists" who have not yet noticed it, who did not study their Marx and Bakunin with scientific vigour, we wish to salute the millions of Venezuelan pauperized masses of people -- whether they are "proletarian",   "lumpen", "bourgeois" or "middle-class" -- , who like the Communards of Paris, 1871, although they had no chance of eventual victory whatsoever, still "stormed heaven".  Marx criticized and warned, but when they stopped to interpret Paris in various ways, and stepped in to change it, to act and to write transhistory, he gave them his full revolutionary, solidaric support.  Por ahora, we do likewise.

In this revolutionary spirit, Richard Gott, in the
British Guardian of today, (see below)

Pilin Leon, a former Miss Venezuela, was busy judging the Miss World competition in London on Saturday when the oil tanker that bears her name, illegally at anchor in Lake Maracaibo (principal source of Venezuela's oil), was boarded by Venezuelan marines.
The end of history was supposed to mean an end to class struggle, but the current political conflict in Venezuela suggests it is alive and well

It is a transhistoric truth that the millions of Venezuelans defending their economic heart-beat --  which, till 1999, in any case was beating for the very same "opposition", for the current oligarchs and putschists, who in their previous kleptocracies, had robbed in US $ more than five "Marshall Plans", and deposited this amount in foreign banks, a sum that could have paid the whole external debt of Venezuela --  their major income, still have,  mutatis mutandis, the social superstructure on a non-industrialized, mainly Roman Catholic, "Third World", peasant, buhonero social consciousness, and that Chavez has to use a corresponding religious, popular "ideology" to address, to catch the revolutionary imagination of this 80% of a total population of 24 million, as a result of the previous governments of the "opposition", living, no, vegetating, on the "arepa" line.  Within three years, he elevated them from the revolutionary spirit of Miranda, during the French Revolution, to the Paris Commune, to storming the very heaven that kept them ignorant and obscure for centuries.

Chavez is no socialist, no communist, no Marxist, he himself stated it over and over again. Hence, we cannot expect from him, and his social class, the middle class, and all his supporters, coming from all the social strata, to lead a socialist, proletarian class struggle in Venezuela. This is not his transhistoric task. He cannot convert overnight a rotten Punto Fijo egg into a hen that lays golden eggs.

However, in a world that is heading towards a human apocalypse, where the USA brandish the global terrorist whip, that we portrayed over and over again, where only the clarion call of Trotsky, already spoken at the eve of the 20th century, is still scientifically and philosophically valid: dum spiro spero, as long as I breathe, I hope, and where his epitaph is the only revolutionary hope: "life is beautiful, enjoy it to the fullest", what the majority of Venezuelans, under the leadership of the Chavez Government achieved, have achieved on April 11-13, 2002, and yesterday, simply catapults them into the future, into emancipatory transhistory.

That they will be stopped by Euro-American globofascism, that they may suffer the same fate as the Paris Communards, of the genocide of coming obsolete physical labour forces, that´s not the question here. It is a matter of celebrating the fiery glow of the last ashes of homo sapiens sapiens, of the Venezuelan Phoenix of the so-called "Third Millennium".

Viva Venezuela!
Long Live the Caracas Stormers of Heaven!



Venezuela's embattled president faces a Pinochet- style opposition

Racist rage of the Caracas elite

(traducción parcial)

Por: Richard Gott - The Guardian

Publicado: 10/12/02

Nota de aporrea: Titulo:

El Odio racista de la élite venezolana.


Debajo del odio atróz esta el terror de la élite blanca del país cuando se encuentran ante la movilización de masas de la población que son negros, indios y mestizos. Sólo un racismo que data de hacec 5 siglos -el de los colonizadores europeos hacia sus esclavos africanos y los habitantes indigenas del país- puede explicar de manera adecuada el grado de odio despertado. Chávez, quien es más negro e indio que blanco, no oculta su deseo de ser el presidente de los pobres, es el foco de este odio racista.

Pilin Leon, a former Miss Venezuela, was busy judging the Miss World competition in London on Saturday when the oil tanker that bears her name, illegally at anchor in Lake Maracaibo (principal source of Venezuela's oil), was boarded by Venezuelan marines. The end of history was supposed to mean an end to class struggle, but the current political conflict in Venezuela suggests it is alive and well.

When the captain of the Pilin Leon first dropped anchor, he was expressing his solidarity with the anti-government strike in Caracas. But the tanker's crew were opposed the strike and their captain's piratical action. When the marines boarded, on the orders of the embattled president Hugo Chavez, only the captain needed to be replaced.

For the past year or more, Venezuela's upper and middle classes, opposed to Chavez's government, have protested in the wealthy new neighbourhoods of Caracas, while the poor (the vast majority of the city's population) have come from their shantytowns and demonstrated to defend "their" president.

Chavez celebrated his overwhelming electoral victory of four years ago at the weekend, at the end of a week-long insurrectionary strike designed to force him to resign, and so far he has displayed a Houdini-like capacity to escape from tight situations. In April, a similar scenario led to a brief coup d'etat, from which he was rescued by an alliance between the poor and the armed forces, and this time, the president says, he will not allow himself to be surprised.

The opposition has been hoping to repeat in December what it failed to achieve in April, but the situation is no longer the same. The armed forces are now more solidly behind the president than before. The most conservative generals no longer hold important commands; those involved in the April coup attempt have all been sent into retirement.

The international situation is different, too. The US welcomed the April coup, but this time, with more important problems elsewhere, Washington is being more circumspect. It has publicly thrown its weight behind the negotiations being conducted by Cesar Gaviria, the Colombian ex-president who leads the Organisation of American States.

Perhaps even more significant than the changing attitude of the military and of the US is the fact that the poor are more mobilised now, to such an extent that there is talk of a possible civil war. Until the April coup, the poor had voted for Chavez repeatedly, but his revolutionary programme was directed from above, without much popular participation. After the coup, which revealed that the opposition sought to impose a regime on Pinochet lines, the people realised that they had a government that they needed to defend. The opposition's protest marches have now conjured up a phenomenon that most of the middle and upper classes might have preferred to have left sleeping - the spectre of a class and race war.

Opposition spokesmen complain that Chavez is a leftist who is leading the country to economic chaos, but underlying the fierce hatred is the terror of the country's white elite when faced with the mobilised mass of the population, who are black, Indian and mestizo. Only a racism that dates back five centuries - of the European settlers towards their African slaves and the country's indigenous inhabitants - can adequately explain the degree of hatred aroused. Chavez - who is more black and Indian than white, and makes no secret of his aim to be the president of the poor - is the focus of this racist rage.

The trump card of the opposition, in April as in December, has been the state-owned oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, often described as the fifth largest oil exporter in the world, and an important supplier to the US. Nationalised more than 25 years ago, it has been run over the years for the exclusive benefit of its employees and managers - its profits being invested everywhere except Venezuela. Before the arrival of Chavez, it was being prepared for privatisation, to the satisfaction of the engineers and directors who would have benefited. But with a block placed on privatisation by the new Venezuelan constitution, the company's middle class and prosperous elite has been happy to be used as a shock weapon by the leaders of the Pinochet-style opposition, and they have tried to bring their entire industry to a halt.

The vital task for Chavez is to bring the oil company back under government control, replacing the conservative management with the radical executives who had been forced out in earlier internal struggles. If he is to support the crews loyal to the government on tankers such as the Pilin Leon, he may yet need to impose a state of emergency to regain the upper hand.


















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