The
Roots of the Ultra-Colonial War in Angola
by Franz J. T. Lee
Article in
„Review of International Affairs“,
Vol. XIV, No. 329, Belgrade, December 20, 1963
Pandemonium Electronic Publications,
Mérida, Venezuela, 1999
In the
twenty years after World War II there emerged what French geographers
and
social scientists call the Third World - Tiers Monde. It stretches from
Latin
America, across Africa and the Middle East, to Indonesia and the
tropical
Pacific Islands. It is populated by almost two thousand million people
-
two-thirds of the world population. These „native“ peoples share a
common past:
a past of humiliation, exploitation and poverty. This legacy binds them
together in a vast „Commonwealth of Poverty“. Angola - Portuguese West
Africa -
is one of these emergent states, trying to shake off the shackles of
colonialism, and aiming at securing universal peace and equal relations
throughout the world.
Like
the Republic of South Africa, and, in fact, all the African colonies
still in
the fangs of imperialism, Angola has a well-organized system of forced
labour.
One can divide labour into four classes:
1.
Correctional labour. Africans who break the Criminal, Civil or Labour
laws are
penalized this way.
2.
Obligatory labour. When there is a lack of voluntary workers, Africans
by law
can be forced to assist in the construction of public works, the laying
of
rails, the making of roads or the building of bridges. Those who fail
to pay
the native head tax also receive such penalties. In reality, most of
these
taxes imposed are simply to force the African to work.
3.
Contract labour. This is the vilest form of forced labour. Any African
who
cannot produce evidence that he worked for at least six months in the
previous
year, must do compulsory labour for the state or private employers.
Wages are
restricted to a shockingly low level and vary according to employer and
area.
On the plantations, e.g., an African earns on the average 1) (approx.
DM 0.50)
a day.
4.
Voluntary labour. The African contracts directly with his employer.
Normally,
the wages are even lower than for contract labour. Nearly all the
workers in
the agricultural concerns are mainly „shibalos“ - forced labourers.
Apart
from these four, there are still „forced cultivation“ and „migrant
labour“.
Although these forms are practised in Angola, yet Portuguese East
Africa,
Mozambique, bears the biggest brunt. According to the
Mozambique-Transvaal
(South Africa) Convention signed in 1940 about 100,000 Mozambique
Africans
south of the 22nd parallel and north of the Zambesi River are imported
as
workers to the Rand gold mines - in return, South Africa exports
annually 47.5%
of its seaborne exports from the Transvaal through Lourenco Marques,
also some
340,000 cases of citrus fruit. Further, Portugal gets R 3.80 (approx DM
18.)
for each recruit and also half of his wages, which are supposed to be
paid to
him on his return after 18 consecutive months of employment There is no
difficulty in recruitment as the wages are higher in the mines, about R
0.50
(approx. DM 2.50) a day. There were lately some 173,000 registered
Mozambique
workers, and a large number of un-registered ones, in South Africa. In
Angola
about 20,000 Africans are recruited for labour in Northern Rhodesia and
South
West Africa.
In
Mozambique cotton is cultivated. In the northern part, Africans are
granted
seed by the monopoly companies and must cultivate cotton on their soil.
These
crops are sold to the companies at fixed low prices, adjusted well
below free
market prices. The African farmers have no choice, and the natural
crops -
maize, kaffir corn, manioc and beans - drop to famine level. In 1956,
for
example, 519,000 African sellers were paid an average of 250 escudos
(approx.
DM 40.00) for a year’s cotton crop. In some districts the African is
paid 50
escudos (about DM 7.00) for cotton from land on which the owner could
cultivate
grain worth 50 times this value.
This
forced labour, forced cultivation and wandering over the continent in
search
for work in order to live; in short, this human exploitation and
oppression has
created a feeling of hatred and disgust towards the white man
throughout the
ages. Portuguese forced labour is the nadir of African misery; the
zenith of
their endurance they reached in 1961, soon to reach its breaking-point.
Surreptitious emigration in Angola is responsible for the serious
demographic
anaemia of the natives. Physical decadence has become a reality and a
death-rate of 40% among workers is not uncommon.
Efficient
exploitation of a colony in Africa demands not only cheap native labour
but
also effective white presence and control. The first settlers were
Boers from
Cape Colony. To escape British control these „Dorsland Trekkers“ -
being hungry
for land - left the Mafeking area in 1875. In 1880 300 survivors
reached
Angola, and settled at Humpata. This annoyed the Lisbon Government,
hence
Portuguese immigrants had to be sent to Southern Angola to insulate
them.
About
1900 Portugal abandoned its emigration policy. At this time the
Portuguese
population in Angola was about 9,000. In 1927 the white and mestizo
(mixed
race) population was 42,843. The total population was about 3,000,000.
In 1960
the white and mestizo population had risen to about 200,000, the total
population being over four million.
There
is acute large-scale unemployment noticeable among the whites. This is
a
phenomenon in Africa. In 1960 „Le Monde“ reported a figure of 20,000
white
unemployed. An „Observer“ correspondent quoted 10,000 for Luanda alone
(total
white population: 50,000) in 1961. The reasons for this critical state
are most
probably the low level of capitalization in Angola and the precarious
economy
of Portugal. A number of government settlement projects have been
organized
lately. In Cela on the Huila plateaux, about 375 families have been
settled to
cultivate 12,000 acres. The Government provides them with houses,
gardens,
orchards, livestock and agricultural implements.
Normaly
the colonization of an underdeveloped country involves the
transformation of
the indigenous population into a dispossessed rural peasantry and urban
working
class, contained within an economic system, controlled and manned by
whites of
various levels of skills. However, Portugal has created a European
colonial
proletariat. The population pressure was merely relieved in the
mother-country.
The bulk of the Angolan whites are peasants, and perhaps just a little
more
skilled than the Africans. It seems as if the Portuguese countryside
had been
physically transplanted to Angola. In these factors Portuguese
ultra-colonialism and „reflex“-colonization have their origins.
Why
have all the European powers, even the most dechristianized ones,
encouraged
and supported Christian missionary activities in their colonies?
Mutatis
mutandis, the answer is briefly as follows: To convert the native
populations
mean to incorporate them into the intellectual and cultural universe of
„White,
Christian, Western Civilization“. Conversion also has an important
function for
the white settlers. Often an immense fear seizes the white settler and
he
becomes psychologically unbalanced when he experiences the mysterious
culture
of the „Dark Continent“: he trembles at the blackness of African
society.
Somehow organized religion intended to convert the „barbaric races“
again reassures
him. Further, a colonial system needs ipso facto a certain minimum
leveI of
Europeanization for its subject native population, in exploiting them
of course
too much European culture and techniques are again dangerous. The
Christian
religion offers enough to secure the fruits of the former, without
endangering
the latter. The African obtains enough white culture to become an
obedient and
disciplined servant, but not enough to acquire initiative and
competence. The
1961 barbarism and vandalism show to what extent this enterprise has
been
successful in Angola.
According
to the 1950 census there were about 1,500,000 Catholics and 540,000
Protestants
in Angola. In 1957 there were 387 Catholic priests and 300 Protestant
ministers. The quality of Protestant teaching seems to be higher. A
quasi-elite
of Protestant-educated Africans appears to have been formed. These were
suspected of providing the leaders of the national liberatory
movements. In
fact, both Roberto and Pinnock, leaders of the UPA which merged into
the FNLA
(see later), received their education in British Baptist mission
schools.
Portugal cannot check the usurpation of Catholic spiritual authority by
the
Protestant section. In spite of Catholicism playing a crucial role, yet
there
is no developed political ideology.
Angola
is governed as an „integral part of the Portuguese state“. The
Portuguese
policy for the indigénas is based on the „assimilado“ or „civilizado“
system.
In a nut-shell, an African who satisfies certain standards, mainly
educational
ones, may become a white Portuguese except in colour. An African can
never
become a full citizen unless he first becomes Portuguese. Concretely,
the
assimilado system is a Portuguese refusal to accept the African as he
is.
A
scrutiny of the educational system shows quite clearly the difficulties
encountered by an African of becoming an assimilado. This is done
deliberately
and by design. In 1956, out of a total population of about 4,200,000
only about
85,000 attended school. In 1954 there were 25,367 pupils in the
„rudimentary“
schools, which are reserved almost exclusively for Africans. The final
examinations were written by 1,712 students and only 959 passed. In the
secondary and commercial schools the position is far more critical. In
the same
year a mere handful, only 747 Africans, attended these schools. There
are no
universities in Portuguese Africa. A few go to the universities in
Coimbra,
Lisbon or Oporto. The outcome is that about 99% of the African
population is
officially reckoned to be iliterate. Thus in 1950 the African
assimilados were
about 10,000, i.e., 0.24% of the total population. This figure includes
the
semi-automatic assimilation of wives and children.
Although
Portugal claims that the distinction between native and non-native is
cultural
and not racial, yet the very definition of a native is without question
unambiguousIy racialist. They are „persons of Negro race or their
descendants“
(Decree Law No 39.666). In principle and practice, this system,
including its
manifold ramifications, is just like that of the „White South African
Republic“
and to a certain extent even Southern Rhodesia. In fact, apartheid,
baasskap or
racial discrimination in other forms are practised. The African has to
carry
his „cadernato“ - passbook - to control and enslave him efficiently. It
is no
coincidence that Portugal and South Africa work hand in hand. Portugal
was
lately South Africa’s defender at the United Nations. At the beginning
of July,
1961, the South African Defence Minister, Fouché, paid a judicious
visit to
Portugal. Soon South African military forces moved into Ovamboland (S.
W. A.).
The northern border was patrolled by aircraft to watch for Angolan
refugees or
infiltrators. Hence Portugal must have asked for military help, and
beyond
doubt Verwoerd actively supplied it. However, both Portugal and South
Africa
will be faced with severe political, economic and social crises in the
near
future.
There
is no adequate factual material from which may be obtained an accurate
account
of foreign capital in Angola. It is, however, of value to mention the
major
projects initiated in 1960-1 in either Portugal or her colonies. Some
are:
Montigo Steel Unit-Damag (Western Germany), Dondo Aluminium Plant
(Angola) Pechiney
(France), Tagus Bridge Project (USA), English Electrica de Portugal,
Angola
Mining Projects and Constancia Pulp Mill (England).
The
bulk of the Angolan economy is derived from sisal, maize, cotton,
diamonds and,
above all, coffee. 90% of the coffee, sisal and maize production is
exported.
The Companhia Agricole de Angola (CADA) and settler estate farms
control 80% of
the coffee production. To indicate the immense profits made and the sky
rocketing effects of human exploitation, depression, repression and
oppression,
the following example will suffice. In 1958 CADA had a declared capital
of
7,775,000 dollars, in the same year, it made a profit of 7,441,195
dollars.
The
production of cotton and maize is controlled by large companies. Firms
like
Companhia de Diamentes de Angola (Diamang), Cia des Betuminosos de
Angola,
Empresa de Cobre de Angola, and Cia Mineira do Lobito, all rob Angola
of its
mineral sources. Diamang is the „arch-exploiter“, in the double meaning
of the
word, and a branch of the great Anglo-American Diamond Corporation
Limited.
Further European capital participation in the sugar companies makes the
economic complex of Angola still larger.
Finally,
the covert condominium reveals the same debility as the existence of
white
unemployed, the decrepitude as the utilization of forced labour and the
same
powerlessness as the failure of Catholicism.
There
are five major ethnic groups in Angola: the Bakongo in the north -
500,000; the
Kimbundu in the area below Luanda - 1,000,000; the Ovimbundu (Bailundu)
on the
Benguela plateau - 1,000,000; in the east, the Luanda people - 350,000,
and the
Ganguela people 320,000- (1950 census figures).
Due to
extreme repression and censorship, political activity was chiefly
clandestine
throughout the fifties. The two principal parties are the Movimento de
Libertacao de Angola, led by Agostinho (MPLA) and Mario, and the Uniao
dos
Populazoes de Angola (UPA), led by Pinnock and Roberto. Lately these
leaders of
the UPA formed the Frente Nacional de Libertacao de Angola (FNLA).
On the
whole, Cuba and Algeria have shown how premature speculations can be
about the
exact political character of liberation movements - hence the armed
struggle
should rather be analyzed as an objective and typical PROCESS,
relatively
independent of the specific organizations involved in the struggle.
Having made
a survey of the roots and origins of the dissatisfaction, poverty and
misery of
the Africans, we can now see the effects and results of this „hell“ in
the
armed insurrection of 1961. The Angolan people much as they hate
violence,
blood-baths and massacres grew tired of begging and soft words; they
had no
alternative but to burst into open rebellion and revolt, although they
knew
that they would have to sacrifice thousands of lives for freedom and
human
dignity. As usual, in decolonisation they lost 50 times or even more
lives than
the whites, in their fight for African unity and world peace.
a) The
first phase: The sudden Uprising.
On
February 4, 1961, military and police points were suddenly attacked.
Further
attacks were on the military prison, the police barracks and the civil
prison.
Isolated units on the outskirts of Luanda were ambushed. Officially 7
Portuguese and 14 Africans were killed, 53 wounded and 1,000 arrested.
The next
day a white mob rioted, shouting: „Mata Todos“ - „kill them all“. They
attacked
every African in sight. On the 7th raids were made on the African
quarters. 24
Africans and 3 whites were killed. The African townships were soon
cordoned off
and patrolled by saracens and paratroops.
On
March 10, the Security Council voted for a discussion of the Angolan
question.
On March 15, the day of the vote, the national insurrection broke out.
The
attacks had surprised the government. Within a few days the whole of
northern
Angola was in the hands of the nationalists. By March 21 there were
3,580
refugees (Portuguese) in Luanda. On April 1, the Vicar-General, Canon
Manuel,
was arrested for „organizing terrorism“. In the major towns educated
Africans
were dragged out of their homes and shot. At this time there were about
3,800
metropolitan Portuguese and 7,000 provincial (including native) troops
in
Angola. On May 7 the „Observer“ reported that about 20,000 Africans had
been-killed, while thousands were in concentration camps. By May 20,
there were
reckoned to be 40,000 Angolan refugees in the Congo.
Towards
the end of May about 1,500 Africans had been arrested in the Lobito
area. There
are no camps in this area, and the local prison only holds 100 people.
These
arrested Africans simply disappeared from the face of the earth,
Assimilados
and almost all literate Africans were arrested. Possession of a grammar
primer,
a radio set or even a bicycle led to the disappearance of Africans.
About 1,000
Portuguese and 40,000 others were thought to have been killed.
June
opened with the placing of Angola under administrative military
command. Now
the nationalists systematically destroyed the coffee plantations. Roads
and
bridges were methodically destroyed. The Portuguese planned to burn
savannah
and forest in order to force the nationalists out of their hiding
places. This
shows how little the Portuguese knew about guerilla warfare. They could
not
destroy enough of the trees and thick vegetation which would conceal
groups of
about 50 men. The nationalist offensive could not penetrate farther
south than
Vila Salazar and Malange. Communications with the Congo were too
difficult from
the south, also the ethnic centre changed to Ovimbundu, and finally,
the
terrain was too open. Reinforcements from Portugal arrived. By July 8,
the
Portuguese had 18,000 troops in Angola.
b) The
second phase: The Portuguese Offensive.
On
July 18, the Portuguese army marched towards a mountainous and
afforested area
near Nambuangongo, where they believed the „rebels“ had their
headquarters and
their administrative capital. In fact, no guerilla army has „fixed“
military
headquarters, let alone an administrative capital. Hence one can see
their
archaic way of thinking as regards war. The towns and villages were
soon
recaptured, and on October 8 the Legislative Council announced that the
rebellion had ceased. They did not realize that the war had entered a
new
phase.
c) The
third phase: Stabilized Resistance.
On
November 27, the Angolan resistance suddenly struck across the north.
The
resistance had regrouped and redeployed its forces. The classic
„mercury“
tactics of guerilla warfare were now applied. They no longer attacked
en masse,
and the front became fluid. Ambushes were reported in the various
provinces.
The nationalists now used modern equipment - machine-guns, rifles and
grenades.
Further, the units were using landmines, bazookas and plastic
explosives. In
Thysville, in the Congo, a training-camp was erected. FLN-trained
cadres were
returned from Tunisia and assumed command in the area. Now the
Portuguese
Government was busying itself with faked concessions and the
introducing of
dummy governments. By the end of 1961 the Portuguese had to be
satisfied to
occupy the forest regions of the north from the sky in their bombers.
The
nationalists in Angola know that victory lies in the continuation of
the war.
They are aware of the classical parabola of decolonization. The longer
the war
continues, the more isolated and introverted the Salazar regime will
become.
All countries that are sincerely interested in world peace, active
co-existence, solving the colonial problems with the least spilling of
human
blood and lives, should ACTIVELY boycott such countries as Verwoerd’s
Republic
of South Africa, and Angola; i. e., not only in words but with the full
force
of deeds in practice. It is not only necessary that we know that the
world must
be changed, that we want a better life and a more hopeful future for
HUMANITY;
it is far more necessary to put our theories into practice. As Bloch
says: Man
still lives in his pre-history. The real world is not created yet. The
true,
real Genesis is not at the beginning but at the end. All men over the
earth
should contribute towards a better world, a more hopeful future for
Humanity.